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Plagiarism

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Google defines plagiarism as:
"The practice of taking someone else's work or ideas and passing them off as one's own"

Identified Instances of Plagiarism

1. Thesis Page 52, Line 1

Local government must develop transparent and accountable systems that enable grassroots communities to have access to the information they need to perform effective monitoring.

Source: Civil Society and Gobal Finance by Jan Aart Scholte and Albrecht Schnabel, Page 61
(link to plagiarised passage)

2. Thesis Page 52, Line 4

The IMF cannot be blamed directly for all of the problems with the way PRSPs have been developed in particular countries; however, the fact that creating and implementing a PRSP has become a key mechanism for securing IMF finance means that these failures in the PRSP process take on an importance far beyond the problems with citizen participation in policy-making in those countries that are not subject to conditionality, e.g., the UK. The use of conditionality to enforce PRSPs makes the normal democratic process—whereby policies, once put in a plan by government, are subsequently scrutinised, changed and sometimes reversed—difficult, if not impossible, and is therefore fundamentally anti-democratic.

Source: Denying democracy: How the IMF and World Bank take power from people, Page 22

While the IFIs cannot be blamed directly for all of the problems with the way PRSPs have been developed in particular countries, the fact that creating and implementing a PRSP has become a key mechanism for securing IFI finance means that these failures in the PRSP process take on an importance way beyond the problems with citizen participation in policy-making in countries not subject to conditionality (eg, the UK). The use of conditionality to enforce PRSPs makes the normal democratic process – whereby policies, once put in a plan by government, are subsequently scrutinised, changed and sometimes reversed – difficult if not impossible and is therefore fundamentally anti-democratic.

3. Thesis Page 44, Line 16

in 1971–73, the IMF became more involved with its member countries’ economic policies, advising on fiscal policy and monetary policy as well as microeconomic changes such as privatisation, of which it became a forceful advocate. In the 1980s it played a leading part in addressing the problems of developing countries’ mounting debt. More recently it has several times coordinated and helped to finance assistance to countries with a currency crisis.

Source: Essential economics: an A-Z guide By Matthew Bishop
(link to start of plagiarised passage, end of passage)


4. Thesis Page 57, Line 8

Each member’s quota is broadly determined by its economic position relative to other members. Various economic factors are considered in determining changes in quotas, including GDP, current account transactions, and official reserves.When a country joins the IMF, it is assigned an initial quota in the same range as the quotas of those existing members considered by the IMF to be broadly comparable in economic size and characteristics.

Source: IMF Office Memorandum, source of passage (secondary source?)


5. Thesis page 46, line 1

In 1999 the IMF introduced the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) which set new conditions for access to debt relief and the Fund’s concessional loan programmes. This was a response to the criticism that policies were being forced upon countries.
A PRSP supposedly sets out a government’s strategy for reducing poverty over a three-year period, a strategy that is developed in consultation with the civil society in a country. The international financial institutions (IFIs) and donor governments, such as the UK Department for International Development (DfID), suggest that PRSPs are ‘country-owned’ documents developed between governments, civil society and the private sector in countries, whose proposals donors then decide to fund: ‘The IMF attaches great importance to country ownership. The recipient country is fully involved in the entire process of technical assistance, from identification of need, to implementation, monitoring, and evaluation’.75
This would be an important step forward for the legitimacy of the IMF if it were indeed the case. However, in practice it has been extremely difficult—if not impossible—for the poorest countries to truly determine their own development strategies, for several key reasons. First, the content of a PRSP is influenced by already-existing IMF programme conditions. Rather than start afresh, these IMF-determined policies are generally ‘cut and pasted’ into the PRSP with no further analysis or scrutiny.76 Second, even in the absence of previous conditions, representatives of the IMF tend to have significant influence over the content of the PRSP. There are numerous examples of IFI staff telling country officials of policies that need to be included in, and changes that need to be made to, the final PRSP document. Third, and perhaps most tellingly, the final PRSPs are signed-off by the Boards of both the IMF and World Bank. If country directors on the Board do not like the content of a PRSP, they can just reject it. The PRSP will then need to be redrafted to meet the Board’s expectations, and debt relief, aid and new loans will be withheld until it does. The G24 group of developing countries’ Secretariat stated that PRSPs ‘are imported rather than home-grown and are accepted under pressure as a means to obtain debt-relief and, as a result, often they do not succeed’.77

Copied with slight changes from Tim Jones and Peter Hardstaff, "Denying Democracy: How the IMF and World Bank take Power from People", May 2005, p. 9-10. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTPRS1/Resources/PRSP-Review/WDMPRSPsdoc.pdf - the source is mentioned in a footnote but does not indicate that this is a quote from the text.


6. Thesis page 38, line 3

The term is currently often used by critics and activists as a reference to sources of resistance and to that domain of social life which needs to be protected against globalisation.

Copied from Miguel Braganza, "Government, NGOs, CSOs and CSWs: Understanding Who is Who and what is happening around you!," available here: http://www.mail-archive.com/goanet@lists.goanet.org/msg20611.html


7. Thesis page 39

The working definition of the London School of Economics Centre for Civil Society is illustrative and is considered to capture the multi-faceted nature of the concept, whilst also being empirically and analytically useful:

Civil Society refers to the arena of un-coerced collective action around shared interests, purposes and values. In theory, its institutional forms are distinct from those of state, family and market, though in practice, the boundaries between state, civil society, family and market are often complex, blurred and negotiated. Civil Society commonly embraces a diversity of spaces, actors and institutional forms, varying in their degree of formality, autonomy and power. Civil Societies are often populated by organisations such as registered charities, development non-governmental organisations, community groups, women’s organisations, faith-based movements, professional associations, trade unions, self-help groups, social movements, business associations, and coalition and advocacy groups. (Updated March 2004)

Drawing on work by Mary Kaldor and the team at the London School of Economics, ‘civil society’ is taken to mean all non-governmental actors, including faith-based organisations, professional associations, trade unions, self-help groups, social movements and business associations. In theory, its institutional forms are distinct from those of the state, family and market. In practice, however, the boundaries between the state, family, market and civil society are often complex.

Copied with some alteration from the top section of http://www.trcollege.net/faculty/directory/teaching-staff/46-staff-directory/29-mawia The "Civil Society refers..." appears on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_society that cites LSE web page http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/CCS/what_is_civil_society.htm

8. Thesis page 297, line 8

In the absence of strict rules about the agenda, membership and frequency of the informal meetings, the informal protocols of interaction and culture of the WTO assume overwhelming importance. Rubens Ricupero notes that in this context, the ‘almost English Club atmosphere ... the codified language’, has made the Green Room consultative process daunting and inaccessible to some developing countries, even if they are present.

Copied from Amrita Narlika, International Trade and Developing Countries (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 37

9. Thesis page 297, line 13

The importance of informal processes in WTO decision-making results in substantial reliance on the role and discretion of the chairperson as the broker, mediator and facilitator of the negotiations. While the onus of decision-making falls on the members themselves, the importance of informal procedures means that the chairs at all levels have a major role to play in consensus-building. The chairperson enjoys considerably leeway in setting the parameters of the agenda and in deciding the frequency of, and invitees to, the informal meetings. Given the frantic pace of meetings and the over-taxed delegations, these decisions have more significance than mere procedure, and can exercise considerable impact on the de facto exclusion of certain members and their interests.

Copied with some minor alteration from Amrita Narlika "WTO Decision Making and Developing Countries," T.R.A.D.E. Working Papers, p.10. Available at: http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBMQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.southcentre.org%2Findex.php%3Fgid%3D225%26lang%3Den%26option%3Dcom_docman%26task%3Ddoc_download&rct=j&q=%22substantial%20reliance%20on%20the%20role%20and%20discretion%22&ei=eU5lTbvmL4GglAeit6TRBg&usg=AFQjCNGvE4bxKaa-MqLynyMbKcXIGPCT9w&cad=rja

10. Thesis page 298, line 9

Similarly, a presence in Geneva is almost a necessary condition for appointment, although ‘Non-residents may be appointed in exceptional circumstances where the necessary expertise can only be found in capitals’.

Copied from Amrita Narlika, International Trade and Developing Countries (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 15.

11. Thesis page 60, line 6

However, the results of the October 2006 meeting in Singapore were disappointing. Voting rights were increased to just four countries—China, South Korea, Turkey, and Mexico— and although there were calls for a small increase to basic votes and an overhaul of the way quotas are calculated, nothing was agreed upon to alter the imbalance of power in decision- making at the IMF or to give more ‘voice’ to developing countries. In reality, the ad hoc vote increases for four countries and a doubling of basic votes will only decrease the voting weight of advanced economies from 62% of the total to 60.5% of the total, while African countries will see their voting shares increase by a mere 0.5%. Furthermore the revision of the quota formula may negatively impact the voting rights of many low- and middle- income countries: if the US preference for a quota formula based almost entirely on GDP at market exchange-rates is accepted, then countries such as Nigeria, Indonesia, Venezuela, Malaysia, South Africa and nearly every other African country will suffer diminished voting rights in the organisation.

Copied with some minor rephrasing from Peter Chowla, "Why the IMF quota reform is inadequate," South-North Development Monitor 19 September 2006. Available here: http://www.twnside.org.sg/title2/finance/twninfofinance004.htm

12. Thesis page 61, line 13

Increasingly, it is the debtor nations—developing countries and economies in transition— who pay for the running of the IMF. As the IMF itself states, ‘administrative expenses and target net income are effectively financed by debtors’.96 Since the start of the 1980s, debtor nations have been covering an increasing proportion of the costs of the IMF:

Copied with some minor alterations from "Denying Democracy: How the IMF and the World Bank Take Power from People," South Bulletin, June 2005. Available here: http://www.cambridgeforecast.org/cambridgeforecast/MIDDLEEAST/SOUTH-105.html

13. Thesis page 65, line 9

This includes transparency in what decisions have been taken, how those decisions have been made, and for what reasons. All three aspects of transparency are necessary if the IMF and the countries running it are to be held accountable for their actions.

Copied from Tim Jones and Peter Hardstaff, "Denying Democracy: How the IMF and World Bank take Power from People," (London: World Development Movement, 2005), p. 38. Available here: http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBYQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fsiteresources.worldbank.org%2FINTPRS1%2FResources%2FPRSP-Review%2FWDMPRSPsdoc.pdf&rct=j&q=%22what%20decisions%20have%20been%20taken%2C%20how%20those%22&ei=T3tlTYKACIL48Abz7bCRBg&usg=AFQjCNGWBnY5YEE50Ace6nV_ZpDe4znj0A&cad=rja

14. Thesis page 44, line 10

Rapid advances in technology and communications have contributed to the increasing international integration of markets and to closer linkages among national economies. As a result, financial crises, when they erupt, now tend to spread more rapidly among countries.

Copied from M.A. Chaudhary, History of International Trade and Monetary Economy (India: NK Singh, 2008), p. vi. Available here: http://books.google.com/books?id=zf9SjgFxugAC&printsec=frontcover&dq=History+of+International+Trade+and+Monetary+Economy&hl=en&ei=F29mTbmsL4OCgAeNkNyHDQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false

15. Thesis, p. 82

“Partly in response to the experience of NGO participation at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, a working group was established by ECOSOC in 1993 to begin a review and evaluation of relations with civil society, leading three years later to the adoption of Resolution 1996/31 as the formal, legal framework for UN-NGO relations.” (Gaddafi, p. 82)

“In 1993, partly in response to the experience of NGO participation in the Rio Conference of 1992, a working group established by ECOSOC began a review and evaluation of relations with NGOs and Civil Society, leading three years later to the adoption of Resolution 1996/31 as the formal, legal framework for UN-NGO relations.” (Hill, p. 2)

“Resolution 1996/31 replaced Resolution 1296 of 1968, and advanced on it by explicitly opening up UN consultative status to national, regional and sub-regional NGOs . . . .” (Gaddafi, p. 82)

“Resolution 1996/31 replaced Resolution 1296 (XLIV) of 1968 and advanced on it by explicitly opening up UN consultative status to national NGOs . . .” (Hill, p. 2)

“The years following the adoption of Resolution 1996/31 have seen enormous growth in numbers of NGOs (many of them national) applying for consultative status, with the number of those acquiring it growing from 744 in 1992 to 2,350 in 2003. A growing backlog of applications (over 800, as of 2003) is waiting for review by ECOSOC’s committee on NGOs. (Gaddafi, p. 82)

“Over the seven years since 1996 there has been an exponential growth of NGOs, many of them national NGOs, applying for consultative status, with the number of those acquiring it growing from 744 in 1992 to 2,350 in 2003 with, today, a growing backlog of applications waiting for review by ECOSOC’s Committee on NGOs.” (Hill, p. 2)

Multiple sentences on UN collaboration taken from a report written by Tony Hill for UN Non-Governmental Liaison Service: http://www.un-ngls.org/orf/Three%20Generations%20of%20UN-Civil%20Society%20Relations-%20A%20Quick%20Sketch.doc Gaddafi only quotes Hill on page 80.

Plagiarism first reported by: http://russian-front.com/2011/02/27/saif-gaddady-ph-d-and-the-london-school-of-economics/

16. Thesis, pp. 396-402

“The WTO is ‘member-driven’: it is run by its member governments and all major decisions are made by the membership as a whole, either by ministers (who meet at least once every two years) or by their ambassadors or delegates (who meet regularly in Geneva). . . .” (Gaddafi, p. 396)

“The WTO is run by its member governments. All major decisions are made by the membership as a whole, either by ministers (who meet at least once every two years) or by their ambassadors or delegates (who meet regularly in Geneva).” (WTO)

“Topmost is the Ministerial Conference, which is the supreme body of the WTO, composed of representatives of all members, with the authority to carry out the functions of the WTO, take the actions necessary to this effect, and take decisions on matters under any of the Multilateral Trade Agreements . . . .” (Gaddafi, p. 396)

“Topmost is the ministerial conference which has to meet at least once every two years. The Ministerial Conference can take decisions on all matters under any of the multilateral trade agreements.” (WTO)

“Six other bodies report to the General Council. Their scope is smaller, so they are merely ‘committees’, but they still consist of all WTO members. They cover issues such as trade and development, the environment, regional trading arrangements, and administrative issues.” (Gaddafi, p. 398)

“Six other bodies report to the General Council. The scope of their coverage is smaller, so they are “committees”. But they still consist of all WTO members. They cover issues such as trade and development, the environment, regional trading arrangements, and administrative issues.” (WTO)

“The Singapore Ministerial Conference in December 1996 decided to create new working groups to look at investment and competition policy, transparency in government procurement, and trade facilitation.” (Gaddafi, p. 399)

“The Singapore Ministerial Conference in December 1996 decided to create new working groups to look at investment and competition policy, transparency in government procurement, and trade facilitation.” (WTO)

“Two more subsidiary bodies dealing with the plurilateral agreements (which are not signed by all WTO members) keep the General Council informed of their activities regularly.” (Gaddafi, p. 399)

“Two more subsidiary bodies dealing with the plurilateral agreements (which are not signed by all WTO members) keep the General Council informed of their activities regularly.” (WTO)

“Each of the higher level councils has subsidiary bodies. The Goods Council has eleven committees dealing with specific subjects (market access, agriculture, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, technical barriers to trade, subsidies and countervailing measures, anti-dumping measures, customs valuation, rules of origin, import licensing, trade-related investment measures, and safeguards). Again, these consist of all member countries. Also reporting to the Goods Council is the Textiles Monitoring Body, which consists of a chairman and ten members acting in their personal capacities, and groups dealing with notifications (governments informing the WTO about current and new policies or measures) and state trading enterprises.” (Gaddafi, p. 399)

“Each of the higher level councils has subsidiary bodies. The Goods Council has 11 committees dealing with specific subjects (such as agriculture, market access, subsidies, anti-dumping measures and so on). Again, these consist of all member countries. Also reporting to the Goods Council is the Textiles Monitoring Body, which consists of a chairman and 10 members acting in their personal capacities, and groups dealing with notifications (governments informing the WTO about current and new policies or measures) and state trading enterprises.” (WTO)

“The Services Council’s subsidiary bodies deal with financial services, domestic regulations, GATS rules and specific commitments.” (Gaddafi, p. 399)

“The Services Council’s subsidiary bodies deal with financial services, domestic regulations, GATS rules and specific commitments.” (WTO)

“At the General Council level, the Dispute Settlement Body also has two subsidiaries: the dispute settlement ‘panels’ of experts appointed to adjudicate on unresolved disputes, and the Appellate Body that deals with appeals.” (Gaddafi, p. 399)

“At the General Council level, the Dispute Settlement Body also has two subsidiaries: the dispute settlement “panels” of experts appointed to adjudicate on unresolved disputes, and the Appellate Body that deals with appeals.” (WTO)

“Important breakthroughs are rarely made in formal meetings of these bodies, least of all in the higher-level councils. Since decisions are made by consensus, without voting, informal consultations within the WTO play a vital role in bringing a vastly diverse membership to an agreement.” (Gaddafi, p. 400)

“Important breakthroughs are rarely made in formal meetings of these bodies, least of all in the higher level councils. Since decisions are made by consensus, without voting, informal consultations within the WTO play a vital role in bringing a vastly diverse membership round to an agreement.” (WTO)

“One step away from the formal meetings are informal meetings that still include the full membership, such as those of the Heads of Delegations (HOD). More difficult issues have to be thrashed out in smaller groups. A common recent practice is for the chairperson of a negotiating group to attempt to forge a compromise by holding consultations with delegations individually, in twos or threes, or in groups of 20-30 of the most interested delegations.” (Gaddafi, p. 400)

“One step away from the formal meetings are informal meetings that still include the full membership, such as those of the Heads of Delegations (HOD). More difficult issues have to be thrashed out in smaller groups. A common recent practice is for the chairperson of a negotiating group to attempt to forge a compromise by holding consultations with delegations individually, in twos or threes, or in groups of 20-30 of the most interested delegations.” (WTO)

“These smaller meetings have to be handled sensitively. It is necessary to ensure that everyone is kept informed about what is going on (the process must be ‘transparent’) even if they are not in a particular consultation or meeting, and that they have an opportunity to participate or provide input (the process must be ‘inclusive’).” (Gaddafi, p. 400)

“These smaller meetings have to be handled sensitively. The key is to ensure that everyone is kept informed about what is going on (the process must be “transparent”) even if they are not in a particular consultation or meeting, and that they have an opportunity to participate or provide input (it must be “inclusive”).” (WTO)

“One term has become controversial, but more among some outside observers than among delegations. The ‘Green Room’ is a phrase taken from the informal name of the director-general’s conference room. It is used to refer to meetings of 20–40 delegations, usually at the level of heads of delegations. These meetings can take place elsewhere, such as at Ministerial Conferences, and can be called by the minister chairing the conference as well as the director-general. Similar smaller-group consultations can be organised by the chairs of committees negotiating individual subjects, although the term Green Room is not usually used for these.” (Gaddafi, p. 400)

“One term has become controversial, but more among some outside observers than among delegations. The “Green Room” is a phrase taken from the informal name of the director-general’s conference room. It is used to refer to meetings of 20–40 delegations, usually at the level of heads of delegations. These meetings can take place elsewhere, such as at Ministerial Conferences, and can be called by the minister chairing the conference as well as the director-general. Similar smaller group consultations can be organized by the chairs of committees negotiating individual subjects, although the term Green Room is not usually used for these.” (WTO)

“In the past delegations have sometimes felt that Green Room meetings could lead to compromises being struck behind their backs, so extra efforts are made to ensure that the process is handled correctly, with regular reports back to the full membership.” (Gaddafi, p. 401)

“In the past delegations have sometimes felt that Green Room meetings could lead to compromises being struck behind their backs. So, extra efforts are made to ensure that the process is handled correctly, with regular reports back to the full membership.” (WTO)

“The way countries now negotiate has helped somewhat. In order to increase their bargaining power, countries have formed coalitions. In some subjects such as agriculture virtually all countries are members of at least one coalition—and in many cases, several coalitions. This means that all countries can be represented in the process if the coordinators and other key players are present. The coordinators also take responsibility for both ‘transparency’ and ‘inclusiveness’ by keeping their coalitions informed and by taking the positions negotiated within their alliances.” (Gaddafi, p. 401)

“The way countries now negotiate has helped somewhat. In order to increase their bargaining power, countries have formed coalitions. In some subjects such as agriculture virtually all countries are members of at least one coalition — and in many cases, several coalitions. This means that all countries can be represented in the process if the coordinators and other key players are present. The coordinators also take responsibility for both “transparency” and “inclusiveness” by keeping their coalitions informed and by taking the positions negotiated within their alliances.” (WTO)

“In the end, decisions have to be taken by all members and by consensus. The membership as a whole would resist attempts to impose the will of a small group. No one has been able to find an alternative way of achieving consensus on difficult issues, because it is virtually impossible for members to change their positions voluntarily in meetings of the full membership.” (Gaddafi, p. 401)

“In the end, decisions have to be taken by all members and by consensus. The membership as a whole would resist attempts to impose the will of a small group. No one has been able to find an alternative way of achieving consensus on difficult issues, because it is virtually impossible for members to change their positions voluntarily in meetings of the full membership.” (WTO)

“Market access negotiations also involve small groups, but for a completely different reason. The final outcome is a multilateral package of individual countries’ commitments, but those commitments are the result of numerous bilateral, informal bargaining sessions, which depend on individual countries’ interests. (Examples include the traditional tariff negotiations, and market access talks in services.)” (Gaddafi, p. 401)

“Market access negotiations also involve small groups, but for a completely different reason. The final outcome is a multilateral package of individual countries’ commitments, but those commitments are the result of numerous bilateral, informal bargaining sessions, which depend on individual countries’ interests. (Examples include the traditional tariff negotiations, and market access talks in services.)” (WTO)

“Thus, informal consultations in various forms play a vital role in allowing consensus to be reached, but they do not appear in organisation charts, precisely because they are informal.” (Gaddafi, p. 401)

“So, informal consultations in various forms play a vital role in allowing consensus to be reached, but they do not appear in organization charts, precisely because they are informal.” (WTO)

“They are not separate from the formal meetings, however. They are necessary for making formal decisions in the councils and committees. Nor are the formal meetings unimportant. They are the forums for exchanging views, putting countries’ positions on the record, and ultimately for confirming decisions. The art of achieving agreement among all WTO members is to strike an appropriate balance, so that a breakthrough achieved among only a few countries can be acceptable to the rest of the membership.” (Gaddafi, p. 402)

“They are not separate from the formal meetings, however. They are necessary for making formal decisions in the councils and committees. Nor are the formal meetings unimportant. They are the forums for exchanging views, putting countries’ positions on the record, and ultimately for confirming decisions. The art of achieving agreement among all WTO members is to strike an appropriate balance, so that a breakthrough achieved among only a few countries can be acceptable to the rest of the membership.” (WTO)

All taken from http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/org1_e.htm. Footnote 546 says "Information drawn from the WTO website, www.wto.org."

Plagiarism first reported by: http://russian-front.com/2011/02/27/saif-gaddady-ph-d-and-the-london-school-of-economics/

17. Thesis, pp. 274-5

“In sum, the old belief in congruence between national identity, territoriality, statehood and citizenship in the European Union is being challenged and undermined in three related ways. First, the supremacy of nation-states as institutions of governance is being eroded. Governance in Europe is becoming increasingly polycentric and multi-levelled. This involves the emergence of overlapping spheres of political authority at several spatial levels—local, regional, national and European.” (Gaddafi, p. 274)

“At the turn of the twenty-first century, the idea that there is or should be a congruence between national identity, territoriality, statehood and citizenship is being challenged and undermined in three related ways. First, the pre-eminence of nation-states as institutions of governance is being eroded . . . Governance in Europe is increasingly polycentric and multi-layered. For Anderson (1996) this involves the emergence of overlapping spheres of political authority at several spatial scales (local, regional, national and European). (Painter, p. 5)

“Second, in many parts of the world, state-based national identities are being challenged by regionalist or minority nationalist interests, undermining the alignment of identity and nation-state. Successful mobilisation behind regionalist goals can intensify the rate of reconfiguration of both governance and identity. Third, international migration has increased cultural diversity. Members of diasporas may form distinct regional populations, such as Russians in North-East Estonia, or they may be dispersed more evenly. Both situations will undermine the link between citizenship and national identity. In Estonia, Russians are even denied formal citizenship on grounds of ethnicity.” (Gaddafi, pp. 274-5)

“Second, in many parts of Europe state-based national identities are challenged by regionalist or minority nationalist identities. These challenges undermine the fit between identity and nation-state. In addition successful mobilisation behind regionalist goals can lead to increased political autonomy or secession, intensifying the restructuring of governance and potentially reconfiguring both the rights-based and the identity-based aspects of citizenship. . . . Third, international migration has increased cultural diversity. In some cases members of diasporas form distinct regional populations, such as the Russians in north-east Estonia (Smith and Wilson 1997). In other cases they may be dispersed more evenly. Both situations undermine the link between citizenship and national identity. In Estonia, Russians are denied even formal citizenship, on grounds of ethnicity.” (Painter, p. 5)

Section on the nation-state taken from a paper by Joe Painter of the University of Durham. The paper can be found here . Plagiarism first reported by http://russian-front.com/2011/02/28/saif-gaddafi-theres-more/

18. Thesis, pp. 270

"(...) jurisdictions are intended to be, and usually are, stable for periods of several decades or more, although the allocation or policy competencies across jurisdictional levels is flexible."

Copied from Gary Marks and Liesbet Hooghe "Unraveling the Central State, But How?Types of Multi-Level Governance", p.15. Available at: http://www.ihs.ac.at/publications/pol/pw_87.pdf. Listed in the bibliography but not cited in p. 270.

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